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The past years of witnessing an... "active" Supreme Court have gotten me pondering a lot about constitutions, powers and interpretation.

First question is: can a constitutional court be wrong about the Constitution? Does it have an absolute final say on the meaning of its words?
The obvious common sense answers are no and yes. Only the court's opinion has authority. A layman's opinion is just his opinion, and even a learned scholar's opinion is just an opinion. Even the lowliest judge has more authority than the highest scholar, and the only limit on his interpretation is an overruling by a higher authority (an appelate court). The Supreme Court has no higher authority.
This is obviously necessary because laymen and especially civil servants need legal stability and predictability. There are thousands of civil servants and they must all apply the law equally. If each of them has his own take on what is legal and what is not, the State collapses into anarchy. Hence they must all follow a single entity's interpretation. And there's also a citizen's gneeral duty to obey authority and channel his disagreement into legal methods to question and overturn authority.

But what if the Court says something outrageous? What if it rules the Earth is flat according to the Constitution? What if it revises the law on impeachment of Supreme Court justices to make them harder to impeach? (This one actually happened.)
Cheapest answer is that they wouldn't do it because the text's inherent meaning constrains their rulings. But this is just a speedbump. Philosophers demonstrate there's no such thing as an "un-interpreted" meaning of a text. With enough sophistry, any text can be made to mean anything. And the legal profession selects for the most devious sophists.

One can reply that only a limited set of interpretations can be reasonable, interpretation is never completely free. This is true. But who gets to say what is and is not reasonable? Only the Court has authority. If everyone finds their rulings unreasonable, that's just everyone's opinion.
A practical answer is that the Legislative and Executive will use their legal methods to restrain, impeach or change the composition of the Court. All of this still presumes that their flat-eartherist interpretation of the Constitution is right until overturned; their authority is still sacred.
And if it is sacred, what are you supposed to do if all such reactive measures by Congress or the President are ruled unconstitucional? What if the President names a new justice and the sitting justices nullify the appointment because the Constitution says justices must be qualified and they find him unqualified? What if Congress impeaches a justice and the Court strikes down the impeachment because the Constitution dictates a neverending march to  utopia and Congress was merely disagreeing with the justice's utopian ideals?

Now those are silly made up examples, but if the Court's word is unquestionable, there's nothing you can do. The Constitution is whatever the Court says it is. And since everything from the tiniest private contract or local ordinance derives its legitimacy from the constitution, the Court has the unlimited power to bestow and withdraw legitimacy as it sees fit.
This is obviously false if you understand separation of powers and checks and balances. The courts ought to have their power checked by the Executive, Legislative and the original Constituent Power, which is above all three.
But what does it mean to check a power's decision? It is overriding it because it's illegal i.e. it is found to be incompatible when compared to the law. Those are two objects for comparison. The latter (the law) is not an independent standard but it is whatever the courts say it is. If the courts determine the two objects of comparison, they determine the result and there is no way to check them. What does it even mean to say the courts derive their power from the Constitution when they define what the Constitution is?
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After all this back-and-forth, nobody disputes the ultimate practical limit to judicial overreach is noncompliance by the other powers, the civil service and even the population. It is sometimes legitimate to refuse to comply to the courts, as is the case for any other part of the State.
But there are different ways to model this in legal theory. The conventional answer would have it that the noncomplied ruling was legal until the very moment the court rolls back its decision. Legality comes from authority, any other interpretation of a law is just an opinion.
Lawyers have their reasons for believing this but there's a radically different proposal if you think of laws in their political context.

Here's a thesis: the point of laws is to call out authorities for not following them. Lawyers will say power comes from laws, but experience shows power has an independent existence and laws as civil law societies understand them didn't really exist in the Ancién Régime. French revolutionaries were the ones who came up with the idea of forcing judges to abide by a single, coherent code, applied equally to all citizens. Judges always had authority. What the law does is force them to justify their rulings to society by demonstrating they comply with a previous written commitment by the State. And if the audience is society, then it is society that interprets what the law means and whether the State is abiding to it. The law is a citizen's shield against the State.
Which answers my first questions: yes, a constitutional court can be wrong about the constitution.

All right. This is an interesting topic, but you wrote a lot to mull over and reply to.

So just for the very start.
> can a constitutional court be wrong about the Constitution?
> Does it have an absolute final say on the meaning of its words
> The obvious common sense answers are no and yes. 
So "no" is reply to the first question, and "yes" is the reply to the second?
I think a constitutional court can be wrong about the constitution however this doesn't mean anything, their decisions will be followed.
A constitutional court consists several members, an issue gets in front of them and they have to decide if it is constitutional or not. Each member will have their own opinion, they can disagree, they could disagree in their reasoning or their formed opinion, or both then they have to form an opinion together what they can give it to the public together as an institution.

This is a sidetrack, but:
> citizen's gneeral duty to obey authority 
I don't think this is true.
> channel his disagreement into legal methods to question and overturn authority
But this is the generally accepted way of doing and achieving stuff, yes.

 >>/55636/
And another, for now I won't reflect on more.

> But what if the Court says something outrageous? What if it rules the Earth is flat according to the Constitution? What if it revises the law on impeachment of Supreme Court justices to make them harder to impeach? (This one actually happened.)
I don't know which counties' proceedings you follow, but these examples shouldn't be part of the job of constitutional courts.
A CC should read and study the constitution of its country. The constitution is created by the legislation, not by the CC. Perhaps the CC should be allowed to have opinion what should be in the constitution, perhaps even suggestions, but they aren't there to create or amend the constitution. They are there to decide if laws, bills, decrees, etc that the government and the legislation passes later on are adhere to the constitution or unconstitutional. So let's say the parliament drafts a new law. Then the CC examines the law to check if it follows the constitution. If it violates it, then they pass it back to the legislation so they can re-negotiate and re-draft it.
So the CC can't rule that the Earth is flat according to the Constitution. Firstly to anyone say that "according to Constitution" that thing has to be in the constitution. So first the members of the parliament has to create a constitution that contains that "the earth is flat". Now they either draft it into a new constitution, or amend it. Either way the CC has no say in that. However after that, when the constitution contains that the Earth is flat, and then someone tried passed a law saying "we will drill a straight whole through the Earth from one side of the other" then the CC could say it's unconstitutional because the C says the earth is flat.
All right I know that it was just a silly example, but let's check the second:
> What if it revises the law on impeachment of Supreme Court justices to make them harder to impeach?
They can't. The CC is not a legislative body, they don't have the authority to create laws or amend the constitution. If they do then the separation of power is violated in that country.
Reminder, branches of power:
- legislation
- execution
- adjudication.

All right, that's it for now.

All right one more.
> courts derive their power from the Constitution when they define what the Constitution is?
> they define what the Constitution is?
They do not.
That is all.

 >>/55640/
> I don't know which counties' proceedings you follow, but these examples shouldn't be part of the job of constitutional courts.
I'm thinking chiefly of our overpowered Supreme Court that is both a constitutional court and a court of last resort but on principle it holds true for continental European constitutional courts. But continentals have more of a culture of self-restraint and deference to Legislative choices.

> The constitution is created by the legislation
The constitution is created by the original Constituent power to put limits on what future Legislatives can do, even though said Legislatives are also derived Constituent powers. The courts enforce the limits by constitutional review. The point of the courts is to be an unelected, anti-majority power blocking the majority's attacks on minorities.
I don't really believe this but it's a dominant constitutional ideology in many states.

> The CC is not a legislative body, they don't have the authority to create laws or amend the constitution
They do have the authority to strike down an entire law or part of it, constitutional courts are called "negative legislators". But that's not my main point.
The authority to create or amend the law is the least interesting part of the rule-making process. Laws, on their own, are just texts. We can only extract rules out of them through interpretation - reading them in light of all other laws, the community's unwritten assumptions and the facts at hand. The rule isn't the law, it's the interpretation. There are as many rules derived from a law as there are interpretations. It is ultimately the courts that make the rules, not the legislators, though there is much controversy over this.
And the constitutional court has the ultimate power to say only one interpretation is valid for a law and all others are unconstitutional. Which is the same as making up the rule by striking down all other potentially valid rules.

Particularly creative and activist-minded courts come up with rules that no straightforward reading of the law would ever produce. Americans are infamous for this, e.g. due process in the US Constitution means Congress cannot outlaw abortion. 
But I can give you examples from an Americanized civil law system.

On 2019 Brazil's Supreme Court ruled that there should be a law criminalizing homophobia but Congress had neglected its duty to legislate it. The Court decided that the law on criminalizing racism would henceforth apply to homophobia, even though it makes no reference whatsoever to gays. The Court explicitly admitted it was the Legislative's duty to make up a law upon which there would be a rule, then made up the rule by themselves. A new rule was created without any legislative activity. This was not a ruling for any particular case but an abstract rule binding on everyone. From the perspective of someone getting prosecuted, is there any difference between what they did and Congress passing a law to criminalize homophobia?
The "law" as a system of rules is much broader than the "law" as a system of texts.

The procedure for impeaching a Supreme Court justice is defined in a 1950 law. Article 41 says any citizen can file a request of impeachment for the Senate to judge. For comparison, article 14 says any citizen can file a request to impeach the President. Last year, as there was much talk of impeaching justices, one of them struck down this article, claiming it exposes the Court to intimidation. And now that the article would no longer be in effect, he made up a new rule: only the Prosecutor General (appointed by the President) can file for the impeachment of a Supreme Court justice. This ruling not only struck down part of a law but made up a new rule to replace it.

 >>/55642/
All right, so essentially about Brazil. Was guessing maybe the US. And was writing from a Hungarian point of view.
US has legal precedent practice. So whatever a court decided on whatever level on one occasion that kinda binds further decisions. Continental Europe doesn't have this. It's stupid Anglo tradition. I dunno if Brazil has that. However on the Hungary next to laws we have so called "Commentaries" judges have to adhere when they do court ruling be it civil or criminal case.
> constituent power
That is the national assembly, which is a legislative body. Constitutions are made by legislation. Since constitutions are collection of fundamental laws. Created by lawmakers. Israel doesn't even have a constitution but has laws they consider fundamental.
CC isn't a lawmaker.
If they can think up rulings that can effect/regulate lawmaking that is lawmaking.
> authority to strike down an entire law or part of it
Yes, that's their job, to check the laws the legislation coming up with. Check the decrees governments issue, etc. And if it is unconstitutional then send it back for reconsideration. This is their only job.

Now in the US things are different from what I gather. For example Trump can issue executive orders and whatnot (decrees essentially). Then the govt/administration starts executing it. Then someone says: hold on, this is unconstitutional, and turns to the courts. Then each level makes a decision as all gets appealed by someone, then finally it ends up at the Supreme Court, which can decide what they were doing up until now was unconstitutional. And this stops the execution of the edicts. And this also creates a precedent.

 >>/55643/
> All right, so essentially about Brazil. Was guessing maybe the US. And was writing from a Hungarian point of view.
This also holds true in abstract for continental Europe, much of the ideology I'm describing was sourced from post-1945 Germany. The "genius" judge who revised the law on Supreme Court impeachments is a specialist in German constitutionalism.

> CC isn't a lawmaker.
> If they can think up rulings that can effect/regulate lawmaking that is lawmaking.
The point is that lawmaking (i.e. making up the texts we call laws) is not rulemaking, as I have shown. Here's another example, this time from Europe: Article 8 of the ECHR, which sets out a right to respect for family and private life, has been taken by the European Court of Human Rights to mean a duty of states to lower greenhouse gas emissions (the KlimaSeniorinnen Schweiz case). If that sounds like a bit of stretch and if anti-carbon measures are themselves intrusive on private life, that's just a layman's opinion. They have authority, so now the right to privacy means the right to be fined for driving a diesel pickup.

> And if it is unconstitutional then send it back for reconsideration. This is their only job.
Sometimes the constitutional court will merely tell the Legislative to do a better job but not create a binding decisions. On systems with really weak constitutional review that might even be the only thing it can do.
But stronger courts rule out not just the text, but the interpretation and the rule that comes with it. Even stronger courts will make up entirely new rules.
The fundamental difference between continental and Anglo systems of constitutional review is not the court's de facto rulemaking power (power over interpretation is power over the rule), but, like you said, centralization vs. decentralization. (Brazil has a Frankenstein system where you can litigate constitutionality through either procedure).



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